Dr. Ramtin Rezaei
Member of the editorial board of the Iranian Journal of International Relations
The issue of orientation and approach in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is one of the most important issues that has always occupied the minds of domestic and foreign experts and analysts. A closer look at the orientation in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially since the 1991s, we have seen significant fluctuations in the orientation and approach from de-escalation and compromise to tension and confrontation and hardening in relations with the world and the region......
However, in the framework and structure of foreign policy decision-making of the Islamic Republic of Iran, at least in the constitution, it is clear and definite, and the institutions that determine approaches and policies in the field of international relations operate beyond the framework of political factions and governments. It cannot be denied that with the change of governments, under the influence of the phenomenon of elections, the approaches and orientations also change in accordance with the values and attitudes of the executive elites.
In this short article, the issue is examined from the perspective and structure of decision-making in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and then at two levels of analysis "micro and macro " of the impact of elections and the government on the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is explained and analyzed. Generally, determining the general policies of the system in the Islamic Republic at both internal and external security levels is of the leadership's authorities and duties based on Chapter VIII of the Basic Law.
General policies are determined by and in consultation with two bodies, the Expediency Council and the Supreme National Security Council, and are submitted to the Supreme Leader for final approval. The Supreme National Security Council determines the macro-defense, security and military policies as well as the foreign policy of the country, all the approvals of which will be effective after the approval of the Supreme Leader. Therefore, it should be said that the determinant and decision-maker of foreign policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially at the macro and strategic level, is the supreme leader.
With the above interpretations, how can the role of political factions and their value approach and worldview in foreign policy be explained? In other words, why and how does the orientation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the tactical (short-term) level change significantly with the victory of one faction in the elections? In response to the questions raised, it should be said that since the beginning of the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the Islamic Republic in Iran, two main and sometimes different discourses in foreign policy have competed and confronted with each other, and this confrontation still remains.
One discourse that defines its priority as action within the national framework, compromise and detente with the region and the world, as well as dialogue and relationship, and another discourse that prioritizes action as transnational, nationalist and sometimes incompatible, and resistance and struggle. It defines and gives meaning to global arrogance as well as support for Muslims and liberation movements. The first discourse can be attributed to so-called liberal currents and factions such as the liberation movement and later the reformist movements and the second discourse can be attributed to revolutionary forces and later to fundamentalism. But what is important is that the relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the world during the domination of the first discourse over the executive or parliament (legislature) tended more towards de-escalation and dialogue and reconciliation and during the domination of the second discourse over the executive or legislative powers, tensions and hardening have increased with the world and the region.
Resolving the above contradiction, ie the determination of foreign policy by the leadership and the role of factional tendencies in foreign policy, should be explored at both micro and macro levels, or in other words, internal and external. As mentioned earlier, the determination of the macro-strategy in politics is the authority of the supreme leader of the regime and the Supreme National Security Council, but at the tactical level, the role of the value tendencies of the victorious faction in the elections cannot be ignored. Now, at the micro level and then the macro level, the issue is explained more and more accurately.
Micro level of analysis
The micro level of analysis explains the role and impact of value tendencies and attitudes of decision makers on decisions and policies. At this level, people's willingness to form and orient policies is considered important. At the micro level of analysis, it can be said that the willingness, ability and expertise of decision makers and implementers play a very important role in the implementation and promotion of approved macro policies and vice versa, lack of ability or unwillingness to approve macro policies can hinder their implementation and sometimes failure.
Based on this, it can be predicted that the first discourse will be more inclined to negotiate and agree with the external environment (global and regional) if it wins the elections and dominates the executive branch. Also, in terms of more experience and expertise in diplomacy, this discourse will have a better chance of succeeding in de-escalating or improving relations. However, due to the relative reluctance and less expertise and experience in the field of diplomacy, it can cause more rigidity in the field of foreign relations of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially relations with the West, the United States and the issue of nuclear agreement.
Macro level of analysis
The macro level of analysis deals with the impact of the external environment on the foreign policy orientation of governments. At this level, environmental influences, in other words, the tendency and behavior of the environment and external actors play a decisive role. In this regard, the tendency of external actors to cooperate and interact or not to cooperate and not to interact with the ruling party or faction of a government will be very decisive in the expansion or contraction of the foreign relations of that government.
A closer look at the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign relations shows that the West, especially the United States, and even regional actors are more willing and motivated to negotiate and interact with the "first" or "liberal" discourse and reach an agreement with it. On the contrary, there is less willingness on the part of the West and other regional actors to interact and talk or cooperate with the second or the transnational discourse of the nation.
Therefore, and as a conclusion, it can be said that although the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is adopted at the macro level and at the top of system under supreme leader of the political system, but the election result means the entry of each of the victorious factions into Pasteur Street, will have an undeniable impact on the direction of foreign policy in terms of value approach, skills and capabilities, and especially acceptance by external actors.